On March 13, after one year and eight months of closure, the Tunisian parliament finally reopened its doors. However, it did so to the newly elected MPs only, as independent and foreign journalists were barred from entering. 

Only state media were allowed to cover the first parliamentary session, which saw MPs take the oath and choose Ibrahim Bouderbala, former head of the Tunisian Bar Association, as Speaker of the Parliament. 

The new parliament was voted in following elections with the lowest turnout ever in not just Tunisia, but the entire world. Voter turnout failed to surpass the 10% threshold.

“This parliament is not an independent body, rather it is Kais Saied’s subordinate,” Nabil Hajji, Secretary-General of the Democratic Current, one of Tunisia’s most prominent opposition parties, told Daraj. “It is the final step on Saied’s path to dismantle state institutions and constitutional bodies. Of course, we don’t accept the results, including this legislative charade.”

President Kais Saied himself seems quite satisfied with the outcome, as the parliament reflects a lack of popularity and as such does not pose a threat to his authority. 

“MPs should know that they are being watched by the Tunisian people and that what is occurring right now, with a number of MPs forming blocs is [historical], and parliament will not be the same as before,” said Saied during a visit to the state-owned La Presse newspaper. “Legislation must reflect the desire of the people, not the will of some still yearning for the previous decade and previous parliament.” 

In reality, as a result of Saied’s policies, the parliament is highly fragmented and thus there is little to no chance for parliamentary blocs to be formed to coordinate and cooperate among each other. 

Bouderbala

Newly elected parliament speaker Bouderbala, a lawyer and human rights activist, seemingly gave up decades of political struggle to participate in Saied’s project. He supported the president in his confrontation with the judiciary and Supreme Judicial Council, and was part of the committee drafting the new constitution, which has yet to be ratified. 

Bouderbala defied criticism of Saied following the arrest of former Justice Minister Noureddine Bhiri and used his former position as Head of the Tunisian Bar Association to punish any attorney who opposed Saied.

It seems he was rewarded for his support. Bouderbala ran for parliament and, even before being nominated, declared he would be the next parliamentary speaker. His words came true. 

Bouderbala promptly endorsed Saied’s remarks about forming parliamentary blocs. “The subject will be considered and scrutinized by the Internal Regulations Committee,” he said in his first statement to local media. 

Yet, he also expressed doubts that forming blocks would be the best course of action. According to him, the parliament must be acceptable to the Tunisian people. “We are trying to raise to the challenge as one block.” 

The Revolution Will Not Be Televised?

Since 2012, debates by the National Constituent Assembly and,  later, the Assembly of Representatives of the People, as the Tunisian parliament is officially known, have been broadcast live on state TV, while journalists, both domestic and foreign, as well as civil society organizations, were able to attend. 

Thus Tunisian media and civil society always had a significant presence in parliament. With access now restricted to state media only, it seems those days are over. 

Newly elected MP Fatima al-Masdi, who supports Saied, said the decision to exclude the media was made by a group of MPs, including herself, “to prevent any misunderstanding and perhaps convey an inappropriate image of the parliament.” 

The president’s supporters believe the press is to blame for portraying an “inaccurate” image of the Tunisian parliament. 

They thereby overlook some very basic facts. For example, the facts that this parliament is the least representative of women in 13 years, was voted in by lowest voter turnout in history, was boycotted by most political parties, and has a number of vacant districts. 

Badruddin Al-Qamoudi, a leading member of the People’s Movement (Echaab) supporting President Saied, told Daraj that he believed most MPs were not informed of the decision to ban journalists from covering parliament sessions. He denounced the decision, as it violates the principle of freedom of information. 

“We, as MPs, feel it is vital to make our activities public, so that those who elected us are aware of what is happening,” he said. “We have nothing to conceal and we urge the press to resume its former role.” 

Abdulkhalek Al-Azraq was one of the journalists denied access to the parliament. According to him, no one has claimed responsibility for the media ban. 

“Security just said they followed instructions from higher up,” he told Daraj. “Regardless of who prohibited journalists from doing their work, whether it was the Ministry of Interior or the Presidency, this threatens press freedom and the right to access information.”

Saied and The Media

It is likely the presidency was responsible for the media ban. President Saied distrusts especially independent and foreign media. That is why only state media are allowed to report on parliamentary sessions. 

Saied treats state media as a subsidiary, much like he previously dealt with the judiciary. There have even been allegations of censorship within the state-owned Tunisian Television.  

Saied not only seeks to control government press bodies by imposing his directives, but also aims to weaken and divide the media as a whole by creating a rift between public and private media.  

Amira Mohamed, Vice President of the National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists (SNJT), confirmed there is a “deliberate effort” to undermine and fracture the media and erode solidarity.

The SNJT issued a strong-worded condemnation of the decision to only allow state media, as it violates the Tunisian constitution, which guarantees the right of (access to) information, and opens the door to political repression. 

On March 28, the SNTJ also strongly condemned the appointment of Najeh Missaoui, a former pro-Ben Ali journalist, as head of the state news agency TAP and warned against the soaring control of pre-revolution figures over state media.

“These disgraceful practices strike at the principles of the revolution and represent a betrayal to the blood of the martyrs,” according to the SNTJ press release 

It appears the current parliament is no different from the previous ones in terms of inferiority. With one exception: past parliaments, despite failing to accomplish the revolution’s goals, at least showed some respect for the press and provided access to information, and interacted with civil society. 

In contrast, the current parliament seems to be following President Saied’s lead by attempting to eliminate any form of independent journalism, criticism, or dissenting views.