For the first time in a quarter century, Nabih Berri finds himself constrained by constitutional interpretation; one that aligns neither with his habits nor his political impulses. His latest statement warns that the government may not submit a new draft law to Parliament while an existing law remains in force. In doing so, Berri reverts to his trademark constitutional persona — one that allows him to reshape the very meaning of the constitution according to his political will. The current dispute revolves around the expatriate voting law, as the Amal Movement and Hezbollah seek to minimize the influence of the diaspora in the upcoming elections.

But is this maneuver new for Berri or the Amal Movement? The constitution contains no article permitting the suspension or freezing of a draft law simply because another law is already in effect. Article 56 stipulates that the President of the Republic must promulgate laws approved by Parliament after they are submitted either by the government or a member of Parliament. The constitution defines how laws are proposed and approved, but nowhere does it prohibit the government from submitting a new bill while another law remains valid. This is the first time Berri faces a constitutional challenge from a figure holding presidential authority capable of debating him on the constitution — and on the fine details of its articles.

Berri’s interpretation is political rather than constitutional. He frames it under the principle of non-interference or competition between the legislative and executive powers, yet this position is not grounded in any explicit constitutional text. Politically, it may be seen as a viewpoint; constitutionally, it has no basis.

Berri, of course, is well-known for his acrobatic maneuvers in using the constitution to obstruct his political opponents — a practice he has mastered since 2005. His record is filled with creative terms and tactics designed to paralyze his rivals through procedural and constitutional tricks. Among the most notable expressions he has coined or invoked over the years are: “ministerial representation” (particularly regarding the Shiite component in cabinet formation), “presidential election quorum,” “the agenda of the call,” and, of course, his favorite and most elastic term: “the principle of national consensus” (al-mithaqiyya).

The Electoral Law and Parliamentary Extensions

The electoral law has long been one of Lebanon’s main arenas of political contention, with Nabih Berri playing a central role in steering its course at every juncture. In 2005, following the Syrian withdrawal, Berri insisted on retaining the 2000 electoral law, orchestrating the quadripartite alliance to preserve sectarian balance within Parliament. In 2013, he blocked the adoption of a new law under the pretext of lacking consensus and security instability—resulting in Parliament’s extension. Then, in 2017, he returned to lead discussions on the proportional representation law, conditioning its approval on broad political consensus before passing it in its final form with a preferential vote system.

The Blocking Third and Government Takedown

Berri repeatedly relied on the “blocking third” to reshape the executive authority according to the balance of power he desired. In 2006, both the Amal Movement and Hezbollah used mass resignations to strip Prime Minister Fouad Sanioura’s government of its sectarian legitimacy.
The same tactic resurfaced in 2011, when the government of Saad Hariri was toppled. In 2024, the “blocking third” reemerged as a bargaining tool, linking the presidential election to a prior political agreement on the next government and its program, resulting once again in prolonged vacancy.

Cabinet Formation and the Battle over “Consensus”

Berri has been a constant presence in every cabinet formation, setting conditions related to the Shiite share of power and the ministerial statement. In 2006, he objected to the cabinet formation on grounds of unbalanced Shiite representation. In 2010, he obstructed certain government provisions to “protect” parliamentary prerogatives. In 2018, he exerted political pressure to delay cabinet formation after the elections. And in 2024, he revived his formula linking the presidential election to a prearranged governmental understanding.

The Presidency and the Era of Vacancies

The presidential election has become a sphere of influence where Berri holds the key to parliamentary quorum. In 2007, his insistence on the two-thirds quorum led to a complete blockage of the election process, before he eventually presided over the session that elected Michel Sleiman in 2008 following the Doha Agreement. The same pattern repeated in 2014, plunging Lebanon into another long vacancy, and again in 2016, when the political settlement ended with Michel Aoun’s election. In 2022 and 2023, Berri reproduced the same approach, convening sessions without electing a president, ensuring that no candidate could be imposed by a simple majority.

Legislation Amid Vacancy and Public Anger

In every political vacuum, Berri turned to “legislation of necessity” to reaffirm his role as Parliament’s conductor, aptly described as the “maestro of constitutional obstruction.” In 2015, Parliament was reopened under the pretext of passing “urgent” bills despite the presidential vacancy. In 2019, sessions were used to absorb public anger while approving selective measures. And in 2021, he suspended sessions related to the Beirut port explosion investigation under the pretext of “separation of powers.”

International Pressure and Sovereign Files

In recent years, Berri has positioned himself as the gatekeeper of internal approval on sovereign and foreign policy issues In 2020, he resisted U.S. pressure related to economic normalization with Syria by stalling financial legislation in Parliament. In 2025, he once again linked any agreement over borders or the issue of Hezbollah’s arms to Parliament’s oversight and the balances he controls, reaffirming his grip on the most sensitive national decisions.

Nabih Berri — Speaker of Parliament since October 20, 1992 — has accumulated an array of titles in books, articles, and analyses:
The Professor. The Statesman. The guarantor of the system. The guarantor of the nation. The engineer of dialogue. The man of settlements. The magician. The political fox. The old-guard statesman. The architect of maritime border demarcation. The eternal mediator.

But in truth, he is the system’s greatest obstructionist.

In his final days in power, Berri must come to terms with one fact:
It is time for Lebanon to become a state of institutions, not a state of Nabih Berri—a country with an independent government, not one built on obstruction and the power of the blocking third.