In Southern Lebanon, food was never merely a means of survival. It was a way of understanding the land, time, and family. Southern dishes were not born in restaurants, but in the fields, between harvest seasons, over wood fires, and in the hands of grandmothers who knew how to turn what the land offered into an entire memory.
Today, as the war on Southern Lebanon continues and hundreds of thousands of families remain displaced from their villages, the South is facing not only the destruction of homes and infrastructure, but also the risk of severing people’s connection to their land, and with it, their connection to their cuisine.
In Southern villages, meals were tied to the seasons and to the agricultural rhythm of daily life. Even the simplest dish carries within it a long history of farming, patience, and inherited knowledge. Red mujaddara, for example, was never just lentils and bulgur. It was a distinctly Southern dish, beginning with locally produced olive oil poured over chopped onions and left on high heat until the onions slowly darkened, then cooked further until they reached the deep reddish-brown color that gives the dish both its rich taste and signature hue. Only then were the lentils and bulgur added, as though the entire dish were built on an understanding of fire, oil, and time.
This kind of cooking was never measured in exact quantities, but in inherited experience. Grandmothers could tell from the smell of the onions alone whether the mujaddara was well-done or not.
But Southern cuisine was never merely a cuisine of poverty or subsistence. It was also a cuisine of layered and complex flavors. Perhaps nothing reflects this more than Southern frakeh, or “fraki,” which carries an identity entirely distinct from any other raw meat dish in Lebanon, not only because of the raw meat itself, but because of the South’s unique cumin spice blend, known as the “tahwishet el kamouneh.”
Southern kamouneh is not merely a spice mix, but a recipe for identity itself. It includes dried cumin, dried Damask rose petals, red pepper, pink peppercorns, black pepper, cinnamon, cloves, dried marjoram, and sometimes fresh marjoram picked directly from household herb gardens. All of these ingredients were traditionally ground together on a stone slab, not in modern grinders, because the stone itself was considered part of the flavor.
Southern frakeh, especially the version known as “malset el-blata” prepared directly on the stone slab, was never just a dish, but a full family ritual. Some added only a very small amount of bulgur, while the meat remained the essence of the dish: dense, rich, and deeply flavorful, just as many Southern families preferred it, shaped by a culinary culture rooted in raw meat, olive oil, and locally grown wheat.
Perhaps what most reveals the fragility of this heritage today are the small details people carry with them, as though they were the last remaining fragments of their villages.
To this day, I still keep a small bag of kamouneh spice blend made by my grandmother, “Teta Om Khalil,” before her death more than sixteen years ago. I have never used it, nor even allowed it to be ground. It remains stored in the freezer, like a fragment of an entire era I am afraid of losing. Not because it is merely a spice mix, but because it carries the hands that are no longer here, and the scent of a home, a village, and an entire kitchen that no longer exists as it once did.
But perhaps it would be unfair to place the full responsibility for the transformation of Southern Lebanese cuisine on war alone. The truth is that, for more than fifteen years, this cuisine has already been undergoing slow changes that have gradually stripped away parts of its rural identity.
In the Southern villages perched high above sea level, figs were once an essential part of the seasonal cycle and the winter pantry. From August through late September, families would lay figs out under the sun to dry, preserving them for the long winter months. What remained from the harvest was transformed into thick fig jam, sometimes stuffed with walnuts or almonds and infused with anise and sesame.
Fig molasses, meanwhile, was one of the South’s most important traditional products, simmered for long hours and used in desserts and winter preserves. Even fig jam was once prepared using fig molasses itself, rather than the industrial sugar syrup now commonly used.
But these traditions have gradually begun to fade.
Fig trees have become increasingly rare, not only because of the war, but also because many farmers no longer see them as economically viable. Over recent years, vast areas of farmland have been replaced by new crops driven by global markets and commercial demand, such as avocados and passion fruit, both closely tied to modern consumer culture, restaurants, and global food trends.
Even the citrus orchards that for decades formed part of the Southern coast’s identity have gradually declined, replaced by more profitable crops.
Then the war came, accelerating this collapse even further.
War not only destroys homes, but it also shatters the cycle of food itself. What will happen to the olive harvest if people remain unable to return to their villages? Who will gather thyme and sumac? Who will plant wheat and sesame? And who will prepare frakeh pounded on the stone slab if the villages that preserved these rituals disappear?
Displacement is also creating another transformation, one that is quieter yet perhaps more dangerous. Children growing up today far from their villages, in crowded apartments in the cities, may never experience the same relationship with food that their parents and grandparents once had. The names of the dishes may survive, but the environment that created them is gradually disappearing.
A child who might once have taken part in the olive harvest, drying figs, or preparing the winter pantry may now instead grow up surrounded by fast food, processed meals, and modern consumer culture. Over time, Southern dishes risk becoming little more than “heritage recipes” served in restaurants, after once being part of everyday life.
And yet, despite everything, Southern families are still trying to carry with them whatever remains of their culinary memory. Jars of olives, kishk, makdous, and the kamouneh spice blend have become small objects preserving what is left of home.
Sometimes, food becomes the last homeland one can carry.
But memory alone is not enough. For Southern Lebanese cuisine to remain alive, the land itself must remain alive too. People must be able to return to their villages and fields. The seasons must continue. Children must learn not only how to eat these dishes, but how they were born, and why they were once tied to land, dignity, and survival.
Perhaps this is one of war’s deepest tragedies: it does not only kill people, but also threatens the small and ordinary rituals that once made life feel like life.





