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Israel’s Demolition and Displacement Strategy in Lebanon: Scorched Earth Policy as a Tool of War

Published on 09.01.2025
Reading time: 11 minutes

The destruction in these villages is not limited to physical damage but targets the foundations of life for those who had returned to their rural homes after Lebanon’s 2019 economic collapse. This destruction disrupts economic, social, cultural, and political development, violating the right to development itself.


“In a moment, I lost everything. We were left with nothing, but thank God we escaped with our lives,” said Ali Kamal, a displaced resident from the village of Debaal in southern Lebanon. His words reflect the harsh reality faced by over a million Lebanese nearly two months ago.

Ali recalls the day of mass displacement due to aerial bombardments. “We could hear the missile’s whistle, knowing exactly where it was headed. When we realized it was coming toward us, we said our final prayers, thinking these were our last moments, as it takes about thirty seconds for the missile to arrive,” he explained. “Those thirty seconds felt like three hundred years. You see your children before your eyes, and there’s nothing you can do, just wait—waiting for death.”

Ali speaks wistfully about his village, Debaal, where he grew up, saying: “The smell of the earth when it rains is rejuvenating[…]Sitting by the jasmine and gardenias is life itself… it was paradise for me.” He reflects on how he lost his livelihood, recalling past days when he saved every 1000 LBP at the time when the dollar was equivalent to 1500 LBP from his work as a school supplies trader to “finish building the house and buy a car.”

For many, their homes were more than just shelter; they were “part of their identity, dignity, and sense of security,” as Darine Safawi, a displaced resident from the Nabatieh district, explained. Her home, with its modest garden, was a source of simple joy for Safawi. .

The destruction in these villages is not limited to physical damage but targets the foundations of life for those who had returned to their rural homes after Lebanon’s 2019 economic collapse. This destruction disrupts economic, social, cultural, and political development, violating the right to development itself.

A Strategy Targeting Civilians

Israeli airstrikes have reduced frontline villages to rubble, enforcing mass displacement policies, as stated by Avichay Adraee, the Israeli army spokesperson for Arabic media. The nature of these warnings has evolved since 2006, shifting from leaflets and illustrations to evacuation maps.

Adraee issued misleading evacuation warnings, according to Amnesty International, targeting over 129 villages in southern Lebanon, Baalbek, and areas in Beirut’s southern suburbs. These warnings, often disseminated at midnight while residents slept, covered more than 32 percent of Lebanon’s territory, impacting villages across eight districts.

“You’re forced out of your land, out of your home against your will,” Ali Kamal told Daraj. “Suddenly, you find yourself removed from your place, thrown far away—it feels like a kind of occupation in a way. Now, I can’t go back because they’ll bomb me if I try.”

The widespread destruction of civilian buildings is no coincidence but part of Israel’s “Dahiya Doctrine,” named after Beirut’s southern suburbs. Following the 2006 Lebanon War, Israeli military official Gadi Eizenkot stated in 2008 that Israel would use disproportionate force against villages, causing significant damage and destruction. “From our perspective, these are not civilian villages; they are military bases,” he told Yedioth Ahronoth.

Israel employs collective punishment against civilians, using mass destruction as a weapon of war. Architect and academic Abdel Halim Jabr explained to Daraj: “The aim of this destruction is to prevent residents from returning. It’s a deliberate punishment and an intentional attempt to impede reconstruction efforts.”

Mona Fawaz, an urban planning professor at the American University of Beirut, described Israeli strikes as “systematic destruction of Beirut and its suburbs.” In a conversation with Daraj, she noted: “In 2006, most of the destruction was concentrated in Haret Hreik around the security zone, with about 220 buildings damaged. Today, we’re talking about 350 buildings, in addition to others in administrative Beirut.”

“Israel claims to be fighting Hezbollah, but in reality, it is targeting Beirut because the southern suburbs are part of the city,” Fawaz added. “They are linked to commercial hubs, people’s routines, and transportation networks. These areas are residential, economic, and an integral part of Beirut’s trade.”

Israel has demolished several villages along the border to establish what it calls a “buffer zone.” According to Lebanon’s Council for the South, 45,000 residential units were destroyed during the aggression, including 20,000 in the south, as per The New Arab. Additionally, nearly 10,000 commercial properties were damaged.

An Associated Press analysis of satellite images and data from mapping experts shows that some conditions for establishing a buffer zone “are already in place.” These images reveal extensive destruction in 11 villages near the border due to airstrikes or explosive devices placed by Israeli soldiers. These villages lie within 6.5 kilometers of the border.

Meanwhile, the Financial Times reported that at least 30 villages were destroyed during ground incursions. Satellite images taken between October 2 and October 26, 2024, show extensive damage, with destruction rates in villages such as Adaisseh (20 percent), Markaba (27 percent), Mais al-Jabal (35 percent), Aitaroun (19 percent), Mhaibib (69 percent), Yaroun (30 percent), and Ramiyeh (19 percent).

Former International Criminal Court (ICC) lawyer Diala Chehade explained to Daraj that buffer zones are created through political decisions by the UN Security Council. She emphasized that international law prioritizes civilian interests, noting that the concept of a “buffer zone” lacks a clear legal basis in international law and is meant to be a demilitarized area ensuring ceasefire compliance.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk, addressing Israel’s plans for a buffer zone in Gaza, stated that such measures “may constitute a war crime.” He added that destruction “seemingly intended to make civilian return impossible.”

Flattening Homes: A War Crime

“We don’t want to harm you,” repeats Avichay Adraee, spokesperson for the Israeli military in Arabic media, as he calls on residents in red-marked areas on his maps to “evacuate immediately.” However, these calls are often followed by airstrikes from Israeli warplanes or drones within minutes, turning the supposed warnings into direct threats to civilians rather than measures ensuring their safety.

Israeli soldiers document the planting of explosives in homes and the leveling of entire villages, leaving behind evidence of widespread destruction. According to international law expert Diala Chehade, “Destroying residential homes in the context of armed conflict constitutes a war crime and can rise to the level of a crime against humanity if done outside the context of targeting military sites.” Alonso Gurmendi Dunkelberg, an international law expert at the London School of Economics, refutes Israel’s designation of these villages as legitimate military targets, asserting that such actions cannot be deemed “proportional” under international law.

Forced evictions and home demolitions as punitive measures violate the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Mass bombings and displacement policies threaten over 19 rights outlined in human rights conventions. These include the right to development, self-determination, cultural identity, life, health, education, food, work, water, religious freedom, and adequate housing, among others. These violations also impact family rights, including privacy, as well as the rights of women, children, persons with disabilities, and migrant workers.

Balakrishnan Rajagopal, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate Housing, asserts that “residents cannot be arbitrarily stripped of their properties.” However, in the ongoing conflict, Israel has stripped citizens of their right to adequate housing, with at least 9,934 buildings damaged or destroyed as of October 26. The deliberate targeting of residential areas flagrantly violates the Geneva Conventions of 1949, which guarantee civilian protection during wartime.

Severing the Bond Between People and Land

Hills once dotted with homes have been reduced to gray patches of rubble. These housing clusters were not merely shelters but a testament to generations deeply rooted in the land. Israeli attacks erase the identity of these places and their residents’ history, threatening collective memory and the cultural heritage of the region.

“This level of destruction was unseen even during the civil war or the harshest periods of occupation,” said architect and academic Abdel Halim Jabr, emphasizing that “this destruction is intentional, aiming to drive an entire generation away from its birthplace.”

The attacks have also targeted mosques, Hussainiyas, historic churches, village squares, and buildings from the Ottoman and Roman eras. Archaeologist Nelly Abboud explained that the “destruction erodes Lebanon’s identity, severing connections between people and their thousands-year-old heritage.”

Urban planning professor Mona Fawaz elaborated: “Architectural and natural landmarks reflect societal relationships. They’re not just places but threads connecting communities socially, politically, and economically. When we threaten these landmarks, we destabilize the broader community and we undermine the social connections that bind its members.”

Examples include Nabatieh’s historic market, over 400 years old, and Mais al-Jabal, once a vital economic and social hub in southern Lebanon. Journalist and writer Badia Fahs told Daraj: “The market is a gathering point for the city’s residents and their connection with neighboring villages, a place for cultural exchange and economic interactions that foster long-lasting social and human relationships.” She added, “The aim is to strike at the economic lifeline of Nabatieh.”

Darine Safawi, who was forcibly displaced from Nabatieh, told Daraj: “I remember Nabatieh through the stories my mother and grandmother told me. It is a city distinguished by its history, culture, and its role as a hub and point of interaction for all the surrounding villages.” 

From the perspective of urban planning professor Mona Fawaz: “The destruction of the market is systematic and aims to sever communal ties. Losing these connections pushes individuals toward migration.”

Destruction of Institutions and the Killing of Decision-Making Participation

Israeli attacks on local infrastructure and governance systems in targeted areas have significantly undermined local administration. Israel has directly targeted municipal buildings such as the Union of Municipalities of Bint Jbeil, the Union of Municipalities of Al-Shaqif, and the Municipality of Nabatieh, and has killed several mayors, including the mayors of Samhar, Hanawiya, and Shhour, as well as municipal employees in Baalbek. The Democracy Reporting International Lebanon labeled these attacks as “a blatant assault on human life and a violation of democracy through targeting its vital institutions.”

The Lebanese community has borne the consequences of municipal absenteeism for decades, particularly following the civil war. The first municipal elections were not held until 1993, 35 years after the last elections before the war. During the reconstruction period after the civil war, and even before the economic collapse of 2019, Lebanese municipalities suffered from severe funding shortages. Funds allocated by the Independent Municipal Fund were often disbursed only once every two years, forcing many municipalities to rely on donor-funded development projects or expatriate contributions. The economic crisis brought developmental activities in many villages and towns to a halt.

André Sleiman, Democracy Reporting International (DRI) Country Representative in Lebanon, noted that “the war did not introduce a new problem but worsened existing ones, making them deeper and more entrenched.” He added, “It created destruction at the legal level, resulting in a significant legislative void.” No municipal elections have been held since 2018, leading to the dissolution of 160 municipalities. “Today, we are talking about institutions that have become ‘ghosts.’ I don’t know if there is a term stronger than ‘ghosts’ to describe their current state. These institutions operate—if they operate at all—under extremely challenging conditions,” said Sleiman.

Historically, war has been a primary factor in weakening development and services in Lebanon, with many developmental problems tracing back to the civil war. The current war has not only damaged infrastructure but has also dashed hopes for participation in decision-making and administrative decentralization, which were essential for providing services to citizens and enabling them to remain in their homeland.

In this context, Sleiman explained: “We are witnessing the destruction of public administration. Institutions represent both infrastructure and services, and we are witnessing the destruction of this service and the bond between citizens and the state.”

Architect Abdul Halim Jabr explained to Daraj that “municipalities are responsible for issuing permits and implementing master and detailed plans,” adding, “Targeting municipalities is akin to eliminating the lifeline of a town.”

Due to the current war, Israel has undone years of efforts aimed at achieving administrative decentralization. As Mona Fawaz explained, “When Israel bombs a municipality or a village and its landmarks, it erases geography that connects people. This is one of the tactics of war: when people lose their belonging to a particular place, they feel alienated, which might push them to migrate.” Abdul Halim Jabr emphasized that the absence of municipalities undermines reconstruction efforts, stating, “There is a significant difference between returning to a neighborhood or town that is destroyed but still has its municipality, providing a starting point for rebuilding, and returning to a place where nothing remains.”

Absent Justice

Former ICC attorney Diala Chehade explained to Daraj that “the Rome Statute, which established the ICC, stipulates penalties for the destruction of residential neighborhoods if crimes occur after 2002 in countries whose parliaments have ratified or governments have accepted the court’s jurisdiction, or if a case is referred by the Security Council, or if the perpetrator is from a state party to the statute.” She added that the penalties could include up to 30 years of imprisonment.

Neither Lebanon nor Israel is a party to the Rome Statute, and the Lebanese government has withdrawn from accepting the ICC’s jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute crimes committed on its territory since October 7, 2024.

“When destruction is widespread, affecting entire villages rather than specific individuals’ properties, reparations and compensation become a comprehensive process that includes rebuilding villages and schools. This is facilitated through the Trust Fund for Victims, funded by member states or any willing donor,” Chehade explained.

The Trust Fund undertakes two mandates: the first is financing reparations after a court ruling, and the second is providing psychological and health support to victims even before trials begin. However, “Lebanese citizens are deprived of this mechanism because the Lebanese government has not permitted the ICC to investigate crimes on its territory,” Chehade concluded.

Compensation goes beyond reconstruction and psychological rehabilitation; it also involves redressing the violated rights caused by the scorched-earth strategy employed during the current war. This strategy has left its mark on society, including the destruction of properties and public facilities. In this context, André Sleiman highlighted the urgent need for “strengthened and empowered municipal institutions, inclusive public administration, and administrative decentralization. The burden has grown beyond the central government’s capacity to bear, and it will not be able to rebuild or provide services to everyone.”

Effectively engaging local communities in the reconstruction process is crucial, as these communities are most aware of their actual needs. Sleiman emphasized, “We are talking about rebuilding institutions in all their dimensions—physical, material, moral, and institutional. This is a massive undertaking that will require years of continuous work, assuming there is a strong and steadfast political will to move in this direction.”