Since its inception, New Cairo—particularly the Fifth Settlement—was designed to have a unique character. It does not fulfill the functions of cities as defined by Dr. Gamal Hamdan in his book Geography of Cities, except for its local function, which benefits only itself and its residents. It lacks a regional function that serves surrounding cities and areas. Hamdan described such cities as “demonic cities” that lack a broad regional base: “These cities are nothing but a very recent phenomenon in urban history; they are abnormal and rare… More than that, they are essentially transient.”

Egypt has been building new cities since the 1970s when the New Urban Communities Authority was established by Presidential Decree No. 59 in 1979. The goal of the Authority was to create new urban communities that would provide social stability and economic prosperity, away from the congestion of the capital.

Three generations of cities have emerged in Egypt. The first and second generations were primarily industrial cities, such as 10th of Ramadan, 15th of May, and 6th of October. The second generation included additional industrial cities, but they ranked lower in priority than those of the first generation, including Badr, Obour, Nubariya, and Sheikh Zayed. Then came the third generation, led by New Cairo, which Egyptians simply refer to as “The Fifth Settlement.“

The Origins of the Fifth Settlement

At the start of the 21st century, construction on New Cairo began under the oversight of then-Minister of Housing, Engineer Mohamed Ibrahim Suleiman. He envisioned the city as his personal gift from Egypt, distributing vast amounts of land, villas, and apartments to his family, close business associates, and even as electoral bribes for constituents in his district of Al-Gamaliya.

Despite the famous parliamentary questioning of the former housing minister in 2007 regarding his corruption and bribery in new cities, the original vision of the city changed. Initially, urban planner Hassaballah El-Kafrawy conceived it as a desert expansion of the capital, providing housing for low-income citizens. However, it soon transformed into an ‘exclusive enclave’ for business and political elites.

In the first decade after 2000, the Fifth Settlement was not what it is today. Like any desert city, it took time to grow. However, following the January 2011 Revolution, its development accelerated rapidly. While construction projects in downtown Cairo stalled due to the revolutionary upheaval, work in the Fifth Settlement continued at full speed. Despite being a third-generation city, New Cairo surpassed its predecessors, receiving unlimited support from both the state and businessmen to complete its infrastructure in record time. Soon, this ‘distant’ suburb began to emerge as a district for the wealthy, business figures, and politicians.

A Suburb Far from Revolution

By the mid-2010s, the Fifth Settlement had become the preferred residential choice for Egypt’s elite, particularly business and political leaders of different leanings. Many sought to distance themselves from the revolutionary hotspots. Just as the elite under Hosni Mubarak had chosen the Fifth Settlement for their lavish palaces and villas, prominent members of the Muslim Brotherhood also moved in after the 2011 revolution. Egypt’s first post-revolution president, Mohammed Morsi, and the Brotherhood’s Supreme Guide, Mohammed Badie, both resided there. However, there was a stark difference between the luxurious estates of Mubarak’s men and the rented apartments occupied by the Brotherhood’s leaders.

Development in New Cairo focused on concentrating all necessary services within the city: high-end education, expensive healthcare, entertainment hubs centered around malls and cafés, and a consumerist culture reinforced by the proliferation of major supermarket chains. Banks and corporate offices also set up branches in the Business District, while major cultural, economic, and political events began shifting to New Cairo after the opening of the New Exhibition Grounds, inaugurated by President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi as a replacement for the historic venue in Nasr City.

Despite the rapid expansion of this affluent neighborhood, it remained largely inaccessible to the working class. The state, while constructing its electric monorail through the Fifth Settlement, did little to provide public transport for ordinary citizens. There are few bus routes, and the government only offers free transportation for specific events, such as the Cairo International Book Fair.

Dr. Gamal Hamdan’s concept of the “distant suburb” is an apt description of the Fifth Settlement: “The city is not absent, but it remains distant… It is the commercial hub of cities, a vast area where movement is transient. Other than the main roads, its traffic patterns only become visible when they converge near the city itself.” This is precisely why the Fifth Settlement became a strategic choice for Egypt’s ruling class after the 2011 revolution.

The “Safe Home” of the New Republic’s Political Parties

During Egypt’s first revolution in January 2011 and the second in 2013, Egyptian protesters did not storm presidential palaces, nor did they invade the kitchens, rooms, or secret passages in said homes. Instead, they targeted the political parties. In 2011, revolutionaries stormed and burned down the headquarters of the National Democratic Party (NDP) in downtown Cairo, the symbol of Mubarak’s 30-year rule. In June 2013, they stormed the Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters in Mokattam, the true seat of power at the time, rather than President Mohammed Morsi’s home in the Fifth Settlement or the Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party office in Al-Manial.

This made the Fifth Settlement the ideal location for new political parties after the 2013 revolution. Choosing a distant suburb rather than central Cairo was a deliberate decision made by over ten parties.

Historically, Egypt’s political parties were rooted in popular, densely populated areas. When Anwar Sadat reinstated political life in the 1970s, most parties set up their headquarters in downtown Cairo. The Wafd Party settled in Al-Munira, before later reclaiming its historic headquarters in Dokki. The Progressive National Unionist Party (Tagammu) established itself in Talaat Harb Square, alongside the Arab Nasserist Party and Al-Karama Party. However, in the New Republic, political parties took a different path, creating a “political compound” in New Cairo’s 90th Street.

The Political Parties of the Fifth Settlement

The headquarters of Mostaqbal Watan (Future of the Nation)—Egypt’s leading pro-government party—dominates 90th Street, serving as the district’s defining landmark. It is flanked by Homeland Protectors Party, the military’s political wing, and The Republican People’s Party, widely regarded as the party of businessmen and the only one to challenge President El-Sisi in the last elections. Other, lesser-known parties include Modern Egypt Party, October Party, Conference Party, Generation Party, and newer formations such as Al-Adl Party, Awareness Party, and National Front Party (under establishment).

These New Republic parties have taken over residential villas on 90th Street, their buildings indistinguishable from the luxurious homes in the area. Nothing sets them apart: yellow-painted residential buildings, endless sand and coffee shops, countless trees that provide no shade, and an abundance of billboards featuring President El-Sisi’s achievements along the road leading to this distant suburb.

El-Sisi’s infrastructure projects have significantly reduced travel time from central Cairo to the Fifth Settlement. But despite this, it remains an isolated enclave, accessible only by private cars, high-end vehicles, and monorail construction workers’ transport.

The Residents of the Fifth Settlement: People of Wealth, Not People of Revolution

The decision of the New Republic parties to establish their headquarters in the Fifth Settlement was not solely based on its geographical isolation but also on its social composition, which made it a “safe haven” for political entities. Unlike traditional neighborhoods with deep historical and social roots, the Fifth Settlement is a desert transplant, populated by residents from diverse backgrounds who share no collective struggles or ideological connections. Their primary concern is class mobility—seeking to ascend to a different social tier, constructing a new identity that distances them as much as possible from their former realities in the places they originally came from.

This emerging class in the Fifth Settlement has not experienced service deprivation, nor has it relied on the state for basic needs. It is a population willing to pay for education, healthcare, and housing without questioning the broader role of the state. Their interest in human rights is limited to preserving their own privileges. Having already secured a comfortable lifestyle, they fear what they term as “security instability,” which might threaten their affluence.

As the renowned Egyptian geographer Gamal Hamdan described, new cities that exist in isolation, serving only themselves, are “transient.” The same term applies to their inhabitants—they have become “passersby.”